Rock art is found in locations across the globe. The most widely known are the French cave paintings. Paintings are the primary component of one rock art category, pictographs, which are distinguished by the use of pigment on rock. The other category of rock art is petroglyphs. These are created by removing a portion of the rock surface. The most common abrasive methods are engraving, pitting, pecking and scratching. Both pictographs and petroglyphs occur in varied context within the archaeological record worldwide.
Since rock art occurs in prehistoric contexts throughout the world, numerous researchers work in this field. From the contexts in which rock art occurs, various proposals have been made concerning its meaning and function. None of the interpretations can universally explain rock art. Each interpretation is based upon research in specific areas. The following interpretations of the meaning and function of rock art are all based upon a generic definition of rock art as 'designs' which have particular meaning for particular people. Since the rock art of any given area may reflect more than one theme or cultural affiliation, two or more interpretations may apply. The well documented uses of rock art include shamanistic and totemistic rituals, hunting magic, documentation of important events and recording of astronomical events.
Shamanism and totemism are cross-cultural titles applied to two forms of religion. Both of these religious practices have been associated with the creation of rock art. To understand these interpretations of rock art, basic definitions are necessary. "Shamanism refers to the use of spirits as guardians and helpers of individuals, contacted through trance. ... [Totemism] is generally agreed to refer to the use of animals or plants as emblems or guardians of social groups celebrated in ritual" (Layton 2000:169). Layton (2000) suggests that following ritual experiences, individuals involved would have created rock art reflective of their experience. Layton (2000:179) explains the differential use of symbols by the two religious practices. "In totemism, each social group appropriates animal or plant images as their exclusive emblems. In shamanism, certain species may be favored vehicles for spiritual encounters for shamans, but they are generally available to anyone throughout the society."
Of the many examples of this kind of interpretation, the following illustrate this perspective. The !Kung of South Africa are well known practitioners of shamanism. There is evidence that trance experiences and curing rituals compose a major portion of the events recorded in their rock art. The interpretations are accepted because they are consistent with ethnographic information from the area (Layton 2000). Similarly, Whitley (1994) has presented a shamanistic interpretation of rock art. From work in the Coso mountain range of southern California, Whitley (1994:361) concluded that "Numic rock art was produced by shamans and shaman-initiates following the altered states of consciousness (ASC) experiences of their vision quests." This study was based upon ethnographic information from the area. Whitley (1994) provides an example to explain the multiple mountain sheep found in rock engravings of the area. Seeing a mountain sheep killed while in an ASC was a sign to the shaman that there would be rain, so the engravings recorded these occurrences. Another form of shamanic experience is the vision quest. This is documented on the Columbia plateau where individuals, through fasting and strenuous exercise, would see visions. Walker (1991) considers this the impetus for some of the rock art created at this locale.
The independent development of totemism has been documented in North America, Africa and Australia (Levi-Strauss 1962). From these regions, there are examples where totemic activities carried over to the rock art which the people created. Rock art from the Woroa and Ngarinyin in the Kimberly region of Northwest Australia is totemic in nature. The major totem of each clan, an ancestral being, or Wandjina, is painted on a rock shelter within their territory along with some minor totems of the clan (Layton 1992:33-47). In the North American southwest, totemism is known among the Hopi, who are organized into multiple clans. Colton's (1960:78-81) Hopi informants identified symbols within rock art of the area as being related to specific clans. These clan symbols are also found on kiva walls at Hopi pueblos. In studying the art of the Anasazi, Olsen (1989:429) noted that all portable objects, like pottery, contained geometric designs, while the decorations on fixed objects, like kiva plasters and boulders, were predominantly animal and human designs. Interestingly, thirty-eight percent of the animal motifs are modern Hopi and Zuni clan motifs.
Another common interpretation of rock art is that it was created as hunting magic. Rock art of this type would have been created to insure success in a forthcoming hunt or to celebrate a successful hunt. It is likely that this magical rock art would portray the hunter and prey. These images are often in scenes which involve the killing or entrapment of animals by hunters. Going back to the Columbia Plateau, besides rock art created during visions, there is ethnographic evidence that elaborate scenes of the hunt were a product of hunting magic (Teit 1906). Turpin (1992) has documented sites in West Texas which were used as hunting camps and have rock abrasions. These locations are not the only sites within the landscape, however their function and rock art are distinct. Turpin (1992:295) states that, "some of the motifs were created as sympathetic magic devoted to insuring or commemorating hunting success, atoning for taking life and encouraging animal fecundity."
Documentary rock art would tell a story of an event in the people's history or mythology. These rock panels would narrate a story which was important to those who made and saw it. The best known example of recording events in rock art is found among the Plains Indians of North America. Their tradition, called the biographic style, resembles the realistic art found on tipis and ledger books. The biographical style and its narrative capacity is well documented ethnographically and is a widely accepted interpretation (Cole 1990, Klassen et al. 2000, Keyser 1977). In fact the biographical style continued into rock art created in the 1900's when a petroglyph was made depicting automobiles and the individual artist could be identified (Klassen et al. 2000). Documenting important events in rock art was dependent upon symbols which could be understood by not only the artist, but by other individuals. This requires a somewhat consistent symbol set or manner for telling a story. The extreme of this documentary view is considering rock art as a form of writing with universally consistent symbols used by one culture. This interpretation has been difficult to sustain, although LaVan Martineau (1973) presented detailed descriptions of how translation might be possible.
The basic premise of an astronomical interpretation of rock art is that heavenly occurrences were of importance and thus depicted within rock art. This could be in the form of panels showing stars, sun, moon or heavenly bodies or in the form of rock art designed to be lit by the sun on important days such as a solstice or equinox. Reagan (1922) noted that on the kiva walls of some historic pueblos of the American southwest there were paintings of the sun, moon and morning star. There was an importance for these people in examining the heavens, so it would be a logical extension to find this theme in earlier rock art. One example can be found in the Anasazi area of Chaco Canyon, where there is one petroglyph on which light patterns would have allowed an observer to distinguish both solstices and equinox. (Plog 1997:101). Representations of the 1054 supernova which was recorded in China are said to occur in rock art throughout the American west (Brandt and Williamson 1979). Many panels have been located which could possibly depict the location of the moon and supernova as they would have been positioned, however since rock art is difficult to date none are confirmed. One of the possible sites is at Chaco Canyon in New Mexico (Plog 1997:101).
Doodling has been proposed as another interpretation of rock art. This would involve designs made for no specific purpose. Occasionally it is assumed that creation of rock art was an activity of leisure time. Colton (1960) believed that the abstract designs made by the Kayenta living near the Sinagua in the Southwest were doodlings. Colton (1960: 81-83) proposed that, "since may of these designs were made near habitations, we might class them as 'doodlings', drawings made to pass time away".
Differing from other interpretations, the areas of aggregation model relies upon the movements of human populations. Aggregation sites of hunters and gatherers have been understood as locations for group economic activities, as can be identified through the archaeological record. Conkey (1980) suggests that social and ritual aspects of aggregation must be considered. "Resources and geographic locations are linked with social relations and food exchanges, presumably based upon reciprocity. ... In the case of the !Kung San, specific resources, such as water, in particular locations (permanent or dry-season water holes) are linked with specific social events and processes: curing, initiation, trading, mate exchange" (Conkey 1980:611). Art can help support the study of these sites. The fact that a unique diversity of art exists at one site, in relationship to site duration, does not prove its function as an aggregation site, however it helps to support such a hypothesis (Conkey 1980). Areas of aggregation should be recognizable archaeologically by a much broader range of stylistic elements than are present at non-aggregation sites and by their larger size and broad range of activities.
Rock art can also be viewed as one component of a settlement system. As part of a settlement system, the archaeological site is the unit of study rather than the traditional emphasis on individual sets of rock art images. Rock art sites are therefore documented in terms of location and artifact feature association. This allows for reconstruction of the range of sites as well as their placement in a regional settlement system. Approaching rock art as a component in a settlement system can address site based questions. These questions include, do rock art sites represent large residential sites, are rock art sites located in places where long-term residence was unlikely, or does the spatial distribution of rock art sites differ markedly from camp or hunting sites suggesting that rock art sites were ceremonial sites. Interpreting rock art based upon its location within a regional settlement system can address which, if any, activities were occurring in conjunction with the creation of rock art.
The aforementioned interpretations for rock art are not mutually exclusive. However, to determine that one or more of these interpretations apply to an area of study, petroglyph sites must be examined as an integral part of the archaeological landscape. The carved designs of petroglyphs can be found on rock outcroppings, boulders, cliffs and caves. Similarly with other surface finds, without associated, datable material, petroglyphs can primarily be analyzed in a broad context related to ethnography and aspects of the landscape, both environmental and archaeological.
The Owyhee uplands, where this study takes place, are located in the southeastern corner of Oregon, in Malheur County (Figure 1, Figure 11). The Owyhee uplands are part of the Columbia Plateau drainage system, however the vegetation and animal life closely resemble that found in the northern Great Basin. The Owyhee uplands are located "between two ethnographically documented cultural zones" (Andrefsky 2000:6). These are identified by Kroeber (1939) as the Great Basin cultural zone to the south and the Columbia Plateau cultural zone to the north.
Aikens (1982:139) states, "Most of the northern Great Basin as just defined lies within the northern boundaries of the Great Basin physiographic province, but the Klamath-Modoc country on the west and the Owyhee uplands on the east are included by reason of cultural affinity, even though they occupy drainages with outlets to the Pacific that are not hydrographically speaking, part of the Great Basin."
Archaeological research allows for an understanding of the prehistory which cannot be derived from historic documents. The Great Basin area of eastern Oregon has been inhabited for more than 13,000 years (Aikens 1986). The archaeological record for early sites is from excavations of stratified cave sites. Since the Owyhee uplands are currently semiarid, there is little soil formation. The archaeological record lies on the surface of the land and multiple periods of occupation can possibly overlap in the same site. Sites found in the Owyhee uplands include lithic scatters, house pits, petroglyphs and rock alignments.
One excavated cave site, Dirty Shame Rock Shelter, is located in the Owyhee uplands. Dirty Shame has six cultural layers and represents the chronological depth of the area; "Twenty-two 14C dates span a period from 9500 to 365 BP, but a gap in the dates between 5850 and 2750 BP indicates that the site saw little or no human occupation during that 3000-year interval" (Aikens 1986:15). An interesting conclusion from this site was the concentration on vegetative foods, available in the late spring and summer, starting between 9500 and 7500 years ago and corresponding with milling stones (Aikens 1986). No other sites have been dated in the Owyhee uplands. To the south the archaeological record is similarly long and subsistence depended upon purposeful semi-cyclical wandering between known locations for finding food. To the north, on the Columbia Plateau, semi-subterranean circular houses appear around 5000 BC with increased sedentism from dependence on annual fish runs and the collection of nutritious roots (Ames et al. 1998, Roll and Hackenberger 1998).
Within the study area, there has been a long term dependence on gathering vegetative food resources. While a climatic dry spell, loosely corresponding to the altithermal, disrupted the environment, it did not eliminate resources. The Owyhee uplands probably were not abandoned by native people. To the south, occupation continued with some changes. A dramatic example is Surprise Valley, California where about 4500 BP the inhabitants abandoned large semi-subterranean homes in favor of wickiups made of brush (Aikens 1982).
In the Owyhee uplands one of the interesting questions is that of cultural continuity. The archaeological record provides a technological series consisting of artifacts, however the reconstruction of past culture is difficult. The Dirty Shame rock shelter showed continuing technology for the periods it was occupied, and similarity between the early and later occupations despite a 3000 year gap (Aikens 1986). Cultural continuity in the Owyhee uplands may mirror that in the rest of the Great Basin. There is no general consensus among either those who use archaeological artifacts to determine the spread of culture or those who use linguistics.
Within the Owyhee uplands, after a hiatus in research, an excavation is in progress along the Owyhee River at site 35ML181 (Andrefsky and Presler 2000). The excavated area has produced a pit house dated to between 2725 and 2335 BP and an occupation level below the pit house dated to between 5315 and 4865 BP. The preliminary information, while incomplete, shows this site may have been occupied from 7,000 to 2,300 years ago. In addition to the dating, in initial archaeological analysis, Andrefsky and Presler (2000) have not encountered any small projectile points or pottery indicative of habitation in more recent periods. Analysis of artifacts from this site will provide more information on the Owyhee uplands.
Many petroglyph sites are known to exist in the Owyhee uplands and along the Owyhee river. This area is located in Oregon and on the northern edge of the Great Basin. Since very little work has been published on the Owyhee uplands area, the rock art research in Oregon, east of the Cascades, and the Great Basin forms the background for examining sites in the Owyhee uplands. Of particular interest are studies concerning petroglyphs and the theories which have been applied to interpreting them.
The first systematic inventory of petroglyph sites in the Great Basin was conducted by Steward (1927). Petroglyphs of California and Adjoining States does not include sites in Oregon. The analysis was based upon the distribution of specific elements. Since this work covered such a large area, Steward (1927:219) divided the physical landscape into four different areas with distinct characteristics. What is considered the Great Basin falls into area "A". It is described thus, "The petrography of this area is characterized by a large number of geometric elements. The curvilinear designs are of the widest distribution. ... Rectilinear figures--rectangular gridirons, cross-hatching, angular meanders, etc.-- are more restricted in distribution and center in the Owens valley region" (Steward 1927:219-220). This stylistic description laid the foundation for later work in the Great Basin. Steward (1927:225) did not present a concrete interpretation for the petroglyphs, however he guessed that they had a religious or ceremonial purpose.
Oregon was uncharted territory until Luther Cressman (1937) created an inventory of rock art in the state. He collected locations and photographs for 60 sites throughout the state, a couple of which are located in the study area along the Owyhee river. Most of the sites Cressman reported were based on information supplied by individuals living and working near sites. Cressman's study looked at the distribution of rock art sites over the state by designs located at each and by comparison of the styles of designs, much in the same manner as Steward's study. For his comparison, Cressman placed designs in categories, such as humans, humans with horn, mountain sheep and rain symbols. From the distribution of designs, Cressman (1937:76) divided the state into four areas and identified the influences on each of these areas which are, "(1) the Willamette Valley, a petroglyph area; (2) the southeastern part of the state, a petroglyph area; (3) the northern part of the state, a pictograph area; (4) the Klamath Basin, a petroglyph and pictograph area". This second area, the southeastern area, corresponds with the lake basins of central Oregon and the Owyhee drainage. Cressman (1937:70) observed that "The designs of the southeastern part of the state are an extension of the Great Basin type of design". Cressman based his work on examination of the designs common to rock art sites rather than on the function or meaning of the rock art.
The next significant study was Heizer and Baumhoff's (1962) analysis of Nevada. This has since been regarded as an authority by many other researchers who utilize their system of stylistic classification. Heizer and Baumhoff (1962) proposed the following styles for areas of Nevada: Great Basin Painted, Great Basin Representational, Great Basin Abstract with the subdivisions of Rectilinear and Curvilinear, Pit and Groove, Great Basin Scratched and Puebloan Painted. These styles are founded initially in the method by which the art was made and in the appearance. The two painted styles refer to pictographs which were created using pigments. The Great Basin Scratched style includes any petroglyph made by abrasion with a sharp tip, which results in thin lines scratching the rock surface. The other methods of making petroglyphs are by pecking, repeatedly hitting a rock surface, and by abrasion, rubbing a rock surface. The representational, abstract, and pit and groove styles are all created by pecking or abrasion.
Besides stylistic divisions, Heizer and Baumhoff (1962) presented evidence for a relationship between petroglyph sites and hunting magic. Many sites, they argued, are in locations which could be used to surprise game. These conclusions are a result of examining the locations of sites and the annual migration routes and ranges of large game animals (Heizer and Baumhoff 1962:223-225). In southern Nevada, sites are often near springs where bighorn sheep would drink. To the north, draws were locations where antelope and deer travel along their migratory trails. Some of the sites in Nevada have rock fences or hunting blinds (in the nature of stone circles). Other locations might have had constructions of wood or brush. Additionally, Heizer and Baumhoff note that very few of the sites are located in conjunction with villages.
One of the best known current researchers in rock art of the Southwest is Polly Schaafsma. Much of her work is focused on the Pueblo areas to the east of the Great Basin (Schaafsma 1980, 1971), however Schaafsma (1986) also reviewed the work which has been done in the Great Basin. Her synthesis presents current, prevalent views on styles and functions of rock art. Within the Great Basin proper, she notes increasing support from multiple researchers of the theory of hunting magic advocated by Heizer and Baumhoff for the pecked styles of petroglyphs. However, other authors who work in the Great Basin have questioned this hypothesis after finding rock art in association with occupation sites and other localities which do not seem associated with rituals (Schaafsma 1986:220-222). The contrasting views about the function of rock art underscore questions about the location and function of rock art sites. Information on what artifacts are associated with rock art and if the locations would be favorable for certain functions (ambush, camp, aggregation, or sacred) needs to be collected to answer these questions.
Following these broad studies, most researchers have narrowed down to concentrate on specific locations and the rock art found therein. Some of the research which has been done close to the Owyhee plateau includes Plew's work on sites in southwestern Idaho and Ricks's study in Lake County, Oregon.
Mark Plew's work is in the format of inventories from Owyhee County, Idaho. This area is located directly to the east of Malheur County across the state line. Plew's (1976:39) work does not include interpretations, but he surveyed design elements. "With the exception of the shield motif [Plains shield bearing warrior], which marks its western most extension in the Camas Creek drainage, the other motifs are those generally characteristic of the Great Basin". Another report which covers multiple creek drainages in Owyhee County reaches similar conclusions on the association of petroglyphs with Great Basin styles (Plew 1980).
In the Warner Valley of south central Oregon, Mary Ricks (1995) studied the association of petroglyph sites with many factors of the landscape. Her analysis was executed by determining statistical correlations. Ricks' analysis compared rock art sites to site distribution, site elevation, plant communities and big game habitats. Ricks found that rock art sites were not randomly distributed and that the bigger sites tended to be at higher elevations. Using the winter habitats for antelope, mule deer and bighorn sheep, Ricks found each were uncorrelated or negatively correlated to occurrences of rock art. In other words, she found no support for the hypothesis that rock art was related to hunting proposed by Heizer and Baumhoff (1962). Instead, Ricks (1995:186) discovered that the rock art of Warner valley was closely correlated with plant communities, specifically, "Positive and moderately high correlations were found between rock art sites and low sage plant communities at high elevation. A similar, but somewhat weaker correlation was found between big-sage/bunchgrass communities in the lowlands." The high elevation low sagebrush communities are where root crops could be gathered in late spring and early summer, while the lowland big sagebrush communities are where grass seeds could be harvested in the late summer.
Ricks (1995) believes and has evidence that some of the high elevation rock art sites were aggregation sites for the procurement of root crops. This supports the settlement system which Ricks proposes for the Warner Valley where there would not only be a winter base camp in the lowlands, but a summer base camp at high elevations. However, she notes a lack of information from other large high elevation sites which have not been excavated. Information on these sites could support Ricks' aggregation hypothesis and proposed settlement system.
Rock art research in Oregon and the Great Basin has visibly changed in tone from the early pioneers of the field to later researchers such as Ricks. Steward and Cressman sought to record and classify rock art sites as a portion of the archaeological record which could stand apart. They also took their sweeping inventories of broad areas and used these to deduce different styles, from the different areas, based upon inventories of designs. Intermediaries in the progression, Heizer and Baumhoff developed a hypothesis for one style of petroglyph in Nevada. They used the material around the sites, but did not rely upon the whole archaeological record. This differs from the work of Ricks which incorporates multiple aspects of archaeology, vegetative resources and animal behavior within a more confined area. The general trend over time has been toward including rock art in more comprehensive studies which are spatially confined. Spatial confinement allows for exploration of environment as well as the diversity of petroglyph designs and site locations which might be overlooked when generalizations are made concerning larger areas. Also, Ross (2001) notes a growing body of research that examines rock art within a larger context, including style, ethnography, landscape and cultural materials.
The process by which research methods have changed in Oregon and the Great Basin, mimics the history of archaeological thought. Despite early explorations for antiquities in Europe and the scientific excavations of Thomas Jefferson, only in the middle of the 19th century was archaeology established as a discipline. The approach of 19th century archaeologists was to describe in a qualitative manner the sites which were known to exist. Outside of excavating ruins of great civilizations, one of the goals of this era was determining culture areas and their chronologies (Renfrew and Bahn 1991). Working in North America, Kroeber established the basic cultural areas in the United States, by which archaeologists define their studies. Following in this tradition, Steward and Cressman classified petroglyph styles in relation to culture areas.
The 1960's brought about changes in archaeological methods. The "processual" approach advocated collection of quantitative data to test a specific hypothesis. This lead to the designing of research to answer specific questions for a limited area, rather than to collect data to see if it had relevance (Renfrew and Bahn 1991). The utilization of scientific methods which are now considered standard is much more apparent in the work of Heizer and Baumhoff and Ricks than the earlier catalogers of petroglyph sites.
For rock art, a significant scientific study requires the understanding of other aspects of archaeology. These would include settlement patterns, resource procurement activities, social-political organization and known archaeological sites. This holistic approach considers the problems in dating rock art and the documentation of rock alignments (Heizer and Baumhoff 1962).
As with any aspect of prehistory, it would be wonderful to place a date on rock art. There are two methods of dating rock art, relative and chronometric. While neither is fool proof, a selection of the methods and the assumptions they make are discussed below.
Relative dating methods include superimposition, rock varnish and ethnographic knowledge. Superimposition uses the principle of stratigraphy, art is carved over existing designs. This method depends upon the existence of multiple clear cases of overlap. Differences in rock varnish, like the dark layer which forms on basalt, can also be used.
... rock varnish can sometimes provide relative dating clues, because the rate of varnish formation is slow so that petroglyphs cut into the same surface at different times will show different amounts of revarnishing. Thus, petroglyphs that are lighter are generally younger than others on the same surface of the stone. Since the rates of varnish formation vary widely from one surface to another, revarnishing is a reliable dating technique only for images on the same panel or, sometimes , on closely associated panels (in the same microenvironment) that have experienced nearly the same rate of varnish accretion. (Keyser 2001:126).
Another avenue of relative dating is ethnographic knowledge. This can provide clues in some instances where individuals of a cultural group can identify that they made certain designs, but that others were there before they arrived (Keyser 2001). These techniques are only valuable if they separate styles or traditions and can be replicated on multiple panels or at multiple sites.
The methods of chronometric dating include accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS), radiocarbon dating and cation ratio dating. In order to use AMS radiocarbon dating, organic matter is needed. Some studies have recovered usable samples from beneath the varnish layer on petroglyphs (Francis et al. 1993, Dorn 1994). AMS radiocarbon dating relies upon the assumption that when the petroglyph was made all of the previous varnish was removed and organic material incorporated into the patina is contemporary (Dorn 1994). Cation ratio dating has its own different set of problems (Dorn 1994). Both of these methods require samples of the petroglyph to be taken by someone who knows what they are doing. Taking samples of a petroglyph requires removing a portion of the petroglyph so that it can be sliced into thin sections in a laboratory; taking a sample does not guarantee that datable material will be found. In conclusion, "All petroglyph dating techniques are experimental - with the exception of excavation," since uncertainty of accuracy and methodology remain (Dorn 2001:182).
The existence of rock alignments is well documented in the Great Basin. In many cases rock alignments are overlooked because there is no way to date piles of rock. Additionally, sites very rarely contain associated artifacts which can be used to help identify their use. Heizer and Baumhoff (1962) propose that some of the rock walls could be hunting blinds. In draws the rock walls would hide the hunter from his prey and also help to direct the movement of a herd during group hunting. At some locations they (Heizer and Baumhoff 1962) encountered circular rock walls on rim edges where they could have been used as overlooks. The occurrence of rock alignments in association with petroglyphs, which they interpret as associated with hunting ritual, supported the above proposed uses (Heizer and Baumhoff 1962).
Rock alignments are not confined to the Great Basin. Agenbroad (1989) remarks upon the usage of extensive rock alignments in opportune locations on the Plains to assist in driving bison. Rock piles would be used repeatedly to force bison near cliffs. However, the Plains alignments are of a much larger scale than those in the Great Basin.
Rock alignments are also present in Idaho directly to the east of the Owyhee uplands. Plew's 1976 survey of Camas Creek, Idaho recorded sixty sites with rock alignments. He classified these alignments as cairns, circular alignments, semicircular alignments, linear alignments, alignments of stone piles and large circular alignments. Cairns are small piles of stone, while alignments of stone piles can be as much as a mile long, consisting of stone piles every three or four meters, approximately half a meter high. The long alignments of piles are located above the canyon rim and could have been used to drive animals toward the cliff for a jump, like those used on the Plains. Plew (1976) distinguishes between circular alignments which are approximately a meter in diameter and occur in groups on the canyon rim and large circular alignments which are up to nine meters in diameter and the interior is cleared and flat. This second type is only one or two stones high, while the smaller circles are presently 3 to 4 stones high and show signs of collapse. Semicircular alignments have the same general characteristics as circular alignments of one meter. The linear alignments which Plew (1976:39-42) recorded ranged in length from three to thirty meters long. Plew (1980:141) also describes two more complex alignments which combine elements from more than one of the above types. The larger of the two is described thus; "The mesa top which covers an area of c. 40 x 40 meters is totally enclosed by a wall c. 1/2 meter high. The wall has a series of openings. Within the walled area are cairns, circular, semicircular and rectangular alignments".
The function of the two larger, unique alignments has been debated. The Five Fingers and 'Y' alignments are unique because they are dissimilar to the other alignments which Plew (1976, 1980) refers to in his work. Five Fingers and 'Y' are more than 2/3 of a mile long and have associated corrals. Therefore, they required a much greater investment of human labor than any of the smaller locales (Agenbroad 1989). These alignments were interpreted by Plew (1987) as jumps for animals such as sheep and cattle. However, Agenbroad's (1989) analysis is that they were used as bison jumps similar to those known from the Plains region. This region could have been inhabited by bison when their range also included northern Nevada, because there is no physical barrier keeping them out.
Regardless of the interpretation for these large alignments, many smaller rock alignments are known. Because the smaller alignments are widespread, it is possible for ethnographic records to shed some illumination upon their use, in particular whether or not they were used in hunting practices (Heizer and Baumhoff 1962). While some of the research concerning rock alignments seems to be speculative in nature, an explanation for the existence of rock alignments could be drawn from associated archaeological features and positioning in the landscape. If rock alignments were used for hunting, they would be placed in the landscape where the chance of finding game is very high.
One question that must be addressed for the Owyhee uplands is which groups of people lived in the region over time. Ethnographic records show that Paiute and Shoshone groups spoke languages of the Numic family. Therefore the debate about the languages concerns the length of time that these bands inhabited regions such as the Owyhee uplands and who might have come before them. This debate is important for understanding the chronology of the local habitation and determining the cultural affiliation of archaeological sites.
In 1958 Lamb proposed that the Numic languages, spoken by inhabitants of the Great Basin, were of a relatively new origin. From studies of linguistic change over time, he proposes that the Numic language spread occurred around 1000 years ago from an area in eastern California and extended out into Nevada, Idaho and Utah with the Paiute, Shoshone and Ute populations. Lamb's (1958) propositions have been met with considerable debate over the years (Goss 1977, Holmer 1994, Miller 1986).
Recent investigations present a window through which to reflect on the Numic theories. In the Carson Basin no disruption in the subsistence or settlement strategies has occurred in the last 3000 years as can be determined by sites with time-sensitive projectile points (Raven 1994). Additionally there is no marked increase in the artifact assemblages (Raven 1994) that would indicate additional population influx. Along the Snake River, a continuous assemblage has been found spanning 4000 years (Holmer 1994). One of the distinct artifacts is the Wahmuza Lancelote spear points, which have a unique form. Not only are they found in contact era sites, but they are confined to the last 4000 years within the Northern Shoshone region. This suggests that throughout the Great Basin, the subsistence pattern has been stable for longer time periods than advocated in Lamb's (1958) theory of Numic spreading. One Numic theory accounts for the archaeological continuity within the Great Basin. Goss (1977:62) proposes that Numic languages developed in situ through a process of fission and fusion.
To explain how one group could successfully expand into a large territory, Bettinger and Baumhoff (1982) propose that the Numic and Prenumic subsistence strategies required different amounts of labor to meet dietary needs. In the extreme this would suggest reliance on scattered seed crops and irregular game for the Numic and emphasis on large game for the Prenumic (Bettinger and Baumhoff 1982). However subsistence has remained unchanged for three to four thousand years (Raven 1994, Holmer 1994). Bettinger and Baumhoff's (1982) theory is not reflected in the archaeological record assuming a date of expansion of approximately 1000 years ago. However, it could apply to population spreading at an earlier date. It is possible that subsistence change followed large game extinctions in the altithermal, 6000 to 4000 years ago (Holmer 1994). At this time, groups dependent on seed crops would have an advantage over those following a diminishing number of large game animals. In the manner proposed by Bettinger and Baumhoff (1982) the Numic could have expanded, gathering labor intensive food products, namely seeds, tubers and berries.
The largest argument in opposition to a spread around 3000 or 4000 years ago is the glottochronology (Lamb 1958). This method of tracing language shows that the Numic languages are not three to four thousand years old. One point which is grossly overlooked is the nature of Great Basin subsistence. Population density was low and family groups traveled to gather and hunt. It is possible that through intermarriage and festivals, bands from a large area interacted often enough that their languages were more related than sedentary populations occupying a similarly large area. In fact, along the Northern Paiute - Shoshone border, the current day Oregon - Idaho border, it was common for the people to be bilingual (Miller 1986). Additionally, the boundaries between dialects of each language were widely spaced and difficult to distinguish (Miller 1986).
Another line of research is oral tradition, however information on a limited number of bands is available (Sutton 1993). The human origin myths and migration legends known from Great Basin populations indicate movement from the southwest, the direction from which Lamb (1958) proposed the Numic expansions originated. Place names, sacred areas and myth as history indicate no support for the migration hypothesis (Sutton 1993). Oral history is traditionally said to reflect the recent past (Sutton 1993), however opinions vary among researchers in oral history. Echo-Hawk (1997) provides an example of how the unwritten record documents a much longer time period. Sutton (1993) may be taken as support for a recent movement of population, or a long lasting record of migration.
Linguistic and archaeological evidence agree that there was a change in the linguistic and cultural groups in the Great Basin. The estimated time for expansion is in the neighborhood of 1000 to 3000 years ago, meanwhile some locations experienced more recent expansions or movements that were recorded in oral traditions around the borders of the Numic territory. The debate over Numic expansion has affected the construction of chronologies for inhabitants of the Great Basin as well as the Owyhee uplands.
Chronology is an important part of reconstructing the past in a location. The chronology is often developed through archaeological investigations of stratified sites. By reviewing many of the cave sites for the northern Great Basin, Aikens (1982:146) finds that the research has, "established a continuum of occupation at least 11,000 years and probably 13,000 years in duration. Most if not all of the same functional classes of artifacts have remained in use throughout the period of the record." Aikens (1982) notes the one major technological shift is from atlatl and dart to bow and arrow around 3,000 years ago as seen in the reduced sizes of projectile points around that time. The styles of projectile points and sandals temporally overlap and gradually change over millennia. On the Columbia Plateau, one of the greatest changes came around 5000 BC when semi-subterranean circular houses were introduced (Ames et al. 1998, Roll and Hackenberger 1998). In association with increased sedentism, there was an increased reliance upon annual fish runs and collection of roots, like the camas. These changes influenced the following periods on the Plateau until the arrival of horses brought new changes.
Chronologies have been developed for the Northern Great Basin and the Columbia Plateau (Fagan 1995, Ames et al. 1998, Roll and Hackenberger 1998). However, since the Owyhee uplands sit on the edge of the Great Basin, Andrefsky and Presler (2000) developed a model for the regional chronology in the Owyhee uplands (Table 1) which melds changes in the Great Basin and on the Columbia Plateau.
Each of the phases in the chronology is characterized by different attributes (Andrefsky and Presler 2000) . The Windust phase is characterized by large projectile points and few grinding stones. The subsequent Uplands Camp phase is noticeable in small lithic scatters at upland sites, but the assemblage of lithic tools, like projectile points, has more items and there are more grinding stones. A marked dichotomy between upland sites and riverine sites is introduced in the Rosegate phase with greater concentration on riverine resources, including the introduction of pit houses on the Snake River. Andrefsky and Presler (2000) see this phase as bringing increased influences from the Columbia Plateau related to fishing technology and pit houses. The Columbia Plateau influence grows in the Southern Snake River phase with changes in projectile point technology, some of the styles indicating a greater reliance on the bow and arrow. The Southern Snake River phase ends with the expansion of Shoshone/Paiute from the Great Basin in the Expansion phase. These groups continued utilizing the same resources of the area and characteristics introduced from the south did not obliterate earlier forms.
During the early 1900's, studies of ethnography were published based upon consultation with some of the natives who recalled the 'older ways' . Although no work was done in the Owyhee uplands, neighboring bands have ethnographic records. Documentation of both other Northern Paiute and Shoshone bands is appropriate because of the intermediary location of the Owyhee uplands between the two linguistically distinguished tribes.
Broad settlement patterns are not described in detail in any ethnography, however there are some common trends in housing for groups bordering on the study area. In the historic period, many groups on the Snake River plain adopted tipis and wood lodges. Previously and in groups to the south, the most common house type were wikiups, conical structures covered by various materials (Lowie 1909, 1924; Steward 1941, 1943). Although the wikiups had fireplaces in the middle and faced the same direction, they were scattered without any regular plan (Lowie 1924).
Northern Paiute groups were broken into small bands who identified themselves with other Paiutes. The head of each band was normally a family elder (Stewart 1939). The bands were family groups which would have been on the move between locations with limited resources. The population density throughout the region was very low.
The subsistence for these Northern Paiute and Shoshone areas is described as a hunting and gathering pattern which is dependent upon the seasons. Those groups which had access to horses engaged in procurement over a broader area and depended more heavily on large game. In many ways their contact era life is comparable to that of Plains groups (Lowie 1909). In the Snake River valley, the Shoshone cycle focused upon summer fishing and winter hunting, meanwhile retaining a large dependence on vegetable plants.
To the south in the Great Basin, Steward (1933:238-239) describes the seasonal activities of the Owens Valley Paiute.
Summer. People kept headquarters in valley villages, fishing, seed gathering in the valley or hills. . . Fall. When seeds were gathered, people of large districts assembled at certain villages for a week or so of dancing and gambling and communal rabbit drives. These were the only communal endeavors, except occasional hunting and fishing parties. Winter. Pinenut expeditions of small groups wintered in the mountains in the timber when crops were good. When pinenuts failed, they wintered in the valley villages, eating stored seeds gathered in summer and fall. Spring. People wintering in mountains moved to valleys, bringing remaining pinenuts.
Although pinenuts are not available in all of the Great Basin, other groups had very similar seasonal movements. Winter was always a time for consumption of cached food resources (Kelly 1931). Another interesting observation by Kelly (1931:76) is that, "Their wanderings did not follow any set scheme; they roamed wherever the food supply seemed the most promising. A considerable range was necessary, however, for roots such as camas are essentially swamp plants, and others such as epos occur only in higher and drier country." Recent research work has compiled a detailed seasonal round for Paiute groups; in general, the research specifies available food resources and their collection periods (Aikens 1986, Walker 1978).
The ethnographic informants from both Northern Paiute and Shoshone bands had no information to report upon the making of rock art. It is assumed that the practice had stopped prior to contact or was the result of a different cultural group that occupied the region in earlier times (Steward 1941, 1943).
Steward's (1941, 1943) extensive inventory of the techniques for hunting notes the construction of blinds and corrals from brush for the hunting of antelope. These constructions would have taken less time and effort than building from rock, especially since sagebrush is common in many areas and often plentiful. While rock is not noted, it could have been used, particularly in an area which was often frequented by animals.
In order to address the issue of shamanism leading to the creation of rock art, recorded shamanism must be considered. One interesting facet of ethnographic studies are the descriptions of shamanism. The most comprehensive study concerns the Southern Paiute. Kelly (1939:151) notes that none of the bands distinguish between game shamans and regular shamans; they use the same word for the two. "To become a shaman, persons of either sex derive their power from dreams, which ordinarily come unsolicited. They confer with a familiar spirit, sometimes human, but more frequently animal, from which they receive songs and instructions for curing. Shamans alone have such guardian spirits" (Kelly 1939:166). Shamans are often specialized in the ailments they can treat, the most recognized is the rattle snake shaman. Other forms of sickness can be treated by many medicine men and a common element of treatment is sucking out the object which causes illness.
An earlier ethnography has a slightly different opinion on shamanism. Lowie (1909:225) reports that for the Northern Shoshone, "it seems that to speak of Shoshone shamanism would be misleading". Individuals had different abilities, however they were obtained in similar ways, so a chief who had war-medicine was similar to the medicine-man who could treat a specific ailment such as snakebite or barrenness (Lowie 1909). Despite differences of opinion, it seems that the practices of the Shoshone and Southern Paiute are very similar in nature and some shamans exist in both groups. These specialists could address only specific issues and were like other members of the community. This illustrates that shamanism, like what Whitley (1994) discussed as resulting in rock art, was recorded as part of the Paiute and Shoshone way of life, even though rock art was not.
In environmental respects, the Owyhee upland parallels areas of the northern Great Basin, so it is no surprise that in ethnographical records, this area pertained to a Northern Paiute band, the inhabitants of the Northern Great Basin. At the time of contact (1850), the area of the Owyhee uplands fell into the area inhabited by the Tag?t?ka ("tuber eaters") band of the Northern Paiute (Stewart 1939). According to the same reconstructions, the Koa'aga'it?ka lived to the northwest in what is now the Snake River plain. To the west were the Wada in the Harney Valley and Ts?s?'?d? in the Steens mountains. In some instances the northeastern most bands were called "Snakes" or "Bannock", however Stewart (1939:127) notes that their band names are distinctly Paiute and the collective name for Paiutes, n?m? (meaning "people"), was used by these bands. In conclusion, "Occupying a single physiographic province, speaking similar dialects of one linguistic family, possessing cultures and traditions in common, the Northern Paiute bands, without doubt, formed one tribe" (Stewart 1939:144).
In the historical period, the Owyhee uplands blossomed for some of the early settlers when the silver and gold deposits were discovered in the Owyhee Mountains of Idaho in 1863 (Hatton 1988). However, there were considerable conflicts with native populations at this time (Hanley and Lucia 1998). The mineral deposits in the mountains led to boom cities, however shortly thereafter population stabilized at a lower level with cattle ranching; immigrants to the area in the early 1900's were involved in the Basque sheep herding. This tradition of cattle ranching on the plateau regions continues through today. Commercial silver mining closed in the 1990's.
The Owyhee uplands are located in the southeastern-most corner of Oregon (Figure 2). This locale is confined by the Idaho border to the east, Nevada to the south and the Steens Mountain range and high lava plains on the west. The region is immense. Malheur County is 6.35 million acres in size, larger than Vermont with 6.15 million acres. The Owyhee uplands cover about the southern two-thirds of the county, or approximately 4 million acres. The watershed of the Owyhee River extends into extreme southwestern Idaho and northern Nevada.
The identification of natural variables is an important facet in describing the placement of archaeological sites. These variables can also be used to compare the locations of sites within the environmental landscape. With such an extensive area to cover, the sections which follow refer to general trends of the mesas and canyons. The mountain environments are not included.
The Owyhee uplands are part of the Basin and Range physiographic province. The Basin and Range is an area of fault-block topography, mountain ranges running north to south separated by broad basins (Orr and Orr 1999).
The Owyhee uplands lie in the northwest corner of the Great Basin. This region differs from the rest of the province in that it is a flat deeply dissected plateau with little interior drainage where fault-block topography is less pronounced. The drainage basin of the Owyhee River encompasses the uplands. Originating in Nevada, the Owyhee River flows northerly through Idaho and Oregon to join the Snake River near Adrian, Oregon. In spite of low rainfall in the area, steep gradients give the the [sic] river and its tributaries well-defined drainage patterns and deep canyons. Cutting through the uplands over 6,000 feet above sea level, the river drops to approximately 2,000 feet where it joins the Snake. Small streams flowing in from the hills are largely intermittent." (Orr and Orr 1999: 79)
The geological background of this province is based in volcanic activity which started in the Miocene. There are deep volcanic deposits of basalts, tuffs and tuffaceous sediments. While basalt is prevalent, other features include rhyolite, diatomaceous deposits, new sedimentary deposits and new surface lava (Beaulieu 1972, Orr and Orr 1999). The episodes of deposition affecting the Owyhee uplands include the Owyhee Basalts that erupted onto the plateau 13-12 million years ago and the ash-flow tufts from the Steens mountains around the same time. In a few areas there has been relatively recent volcanism, of special note is Jordan Craters (Orr and Orr 1999).
The Jordan Craters lava flow is located in the Owyhee uplands on the plateau. It is a 75 square kilometer olivine basalt flow that is extremely recent by geological time. Potassium argon (K-Ar) dating shows that it is no older than 30,000 years (Hart and Mertzman 1983). However, "studies based on growth rates of lichen and weathering rates of exposed and unexposed basalt suggest that the flow may be between 4,000 and 9,000 years old" (Otto and Hutchison 1977:126). "Additionally the southeasterly flowing lava altered ancestral drainage patterns, giving rise to a natural dam and the formation of two small lakes (Upper and Lower Cow Lakes)" (Wood and Kienle 1990:211).
Overlying the geological foundation is the soil. In general desert soils vary widely in chemistry as well as pH. Important in soil formation are fluvial and eolian processes (Smith et al. 1997). Deeper soils have accumulated along river terraces. Soils on the mesas are generally shallow and some areas are stripped to bare rock by wind and water. A more detailed description of soils would depend upon the existence of a regional soil survey. As of December 2000, the majority of Malheur County, Oregon had not been surveyed (USDA, National Soil Survey Center). "Soils on the plains are moderately sloping, clayey, very stony or rocky, and shallow to very shallow over basalt bedrock or hardpans. On the buttes and mountain slopes, soils are relatively steep, loamy, stony and moderately deep" (Anderson et al. 1998:94)
Soil sampling from Birch Creek Ranch, along the Owyhee River, had the following results.
The highest terrace (Terrace 3) is believed to be late Pleistocene in age and is comprised of colluvial gravels interfingered with Owyhee River alluvium. .... Terrace 2 soil development is very different from that of Terrace 3. Parent material on Terrace 2 is primarily stratified Owyhee River sand, overlying Mazama tephra (6,700 14Cyr. B.P.) and flood gravels. .... Terrace 1 contains a very young soil with minor indications of soil development. The stratified Owyhee alluvium parent material is slightly modified by discontinuous coatings of carbonates (Stage I) and lacks soil structure. (Andrefsky and Presler 2000:82)
The further difference in Terrace 3 is evidence of clay translocation which suggests a wetter climate in the late Pleistocene (Andrefsky and Presler 2000:85). These results are only for one location of riverine soil in the Owyhee uplands.
The climate of the Great Basin is semiarid, characterized by an mean annual temperature of 9°C (48.2°F) and between 100 and 200 mm (3.94-7.88 in.) of precipitation annually (Smith et al. 1997). The majority of this precipitation comes during the winter and spring. The current climatic conditions of Rome, OR on the Owyhee River at 3400 feet (1036 m) of elevation best reflect recent climatic conditions of the Owyhee uplands. Average annual precipitation over the last 50 years is 8.21 inches (20.85 cm). The average daily maximum temperature in the hottest month, which is July, is 92.0°F (33.3°C). The average daily minimum temperature for January, the coldest month of the year, is 18.1°F (-7.7°C). Data from further to the south at weather station McDermitt 26N (located 26 miles to the North of the Oregon/Nevada border along US 95) reflects similar conditions at 4500 feet (1371 m) of elevation. Average annual precipitation is 9.43 inches (23.95 cm). The temperature ranges from an average daily maximum of 91.1°F (32.8°C) in the month of July and the average daily minimum for Jan of 18.9°F (-7.3°C). The averages for this station are for the last 45 years (Western Regional Climate Center).
The environment of the Owyhee uplands is comparable to that of the Great Basin. The main difference between the two is hydrological. While the Owyhee uplands have drainage into the Pacific Ocean by way of streams and rivers, the Great Basin has internal drainage. These two areas indeed have many similarities. The plant communities which can be found in the two regions are similar (Murphy and Murphy 1986:285). In turn animal communities are similar with the notable exception of different varieties of fish that inhabit the Owyhee River in comparison to inland lakes.
High winds come up in the morning and evening across the plateau regions of the Owyhee uplands. These winds, anabatic and katabatic, are driven by gravity and the heating and cooling associated with morning and evening, respectively (Christopherson 1997). In the evening as layers of the surface cool, the cold surface air is denser and sinks, moving down slope across the mesa. The downward movement is called a katabatic wind. The reverse happens in the morning as the air at lower elevations warms and rises, pushing air the opposite direction across the mesa as an anabatic wind.
Most of the North American deserts fall within the Basin and Range province, the most northern of which is the cold desert or Basin and Range. The cold desert is primarily semiarid with steppe vegetation (Smith et al. 1997). The plant community is dominated by the evergreen Artemisia spp. (sagebrush) complex.
This complex segregates out along moisture, temperature, soil depth and chemistry, and soil-texture gradients. Important associates with Artemisia include shrubs such as Purshia tridentata [bitterbrush], Chrysothamnus nauseosus [gray rabbitbrush], Chrysothamnus viscidiflorus [green rabbitbrush] and bunchgrasses of the genera Pseudoroegneria [wheatgrass], Elymus [wildrye, wheatgrass, bottlebrush], Festuca, Leymus [wildrye], Oryzopsis [ricegrass] and Stipa [needlegrass]. (Smith et al. 1997:22)
Throughout the desert environment, there is high spatial variability of plants (Smith et al. 1997), in other words, species appear in patches and these can abruptly change to another patch with a different species composition.
The Owyhee uplands are dominated by big sagebrush scrub (Figure 3). Grasses which are associated with big sagebrush, in the area of study, include bluebunch wheatgrass (Pseudoroegneria spicata), Sandberg bluegrass (Poa sandbergii), bottlebrush squirreltail (Sitanion hystrix) and Idaho fescue (Festuca idahoensis) (Anderson et al. 1998). "The Idaho fescue will usually be found in slightly higher and moister spots; the wheat grass is able to tolerate drier environments" (Hatton 1988:23). Within this range of the Artemesia steppe, the economically important species, all of which have edible parts, include: basin wildrye (Elymus cinereus), biscutroot (Lomatium spp.), camas (Camassia quamash), bitterroot (Lewisia rediviva), cattail roots (Typha latifolia), chokecherries (Prunus virginiana), wild rose (Rosa spp.), wild onions (Allium spp.) and currants (Ribes spp.) (Elias et al. 1982). The plant community has changed in recorded history with the invasion by exotic species, including Russian thistle (Salsola kali) and cheatgrass (Bromus tectorum). Western juniper (Juniperus occidentalis), a native species, is expanding from higher elevations onto the steppe due to fire suppression (Miller and Rose 1995).
Within the Artemisia complex, there are three subspecies of Artemisia tridentada; these are associated with different elevations, soils and edible plants (Anderson et al. 1998; Jean Findley, personal communication). The mountain big sagebrush (Atremesia tridentada vaseyana) are found at elevations of over 5000 feet (1500 m) where the annual precipitation exceeds 12 inches (30 cm); these areas in the Owyhee uplands are the Mahogany, Spring and Trout Creek Mountains. The other two subspecies are Wyoming big sagebrush (Artemesia tridentada wyomingensis) and basin big sagebrush (Artemesia tridentada tridentata), both of which are found in the lower elevations. Wyoming big sagebrush is found on the shallow soils. Basin big sagebrush is found in deeper soils; associated with it are basin wildrye (Elymus cinereus), yellow currants (Ribes aureum) and squaw currants (Ribes cerium).
Outside of the Artemisia complex, some other important vegetation groups are found in the Owyhee uplands (Jean Findley, personal communication, Anderson et al. 1998). In clay soils with standing water the low sagebrush, or Artemisia arbuscula, thrives. It is a key to the locations where bitterroot (Lewisia rediviva), biscutroot (Lomatium spp.) and often onions (Allium spp.) are found. Additionally, Indian rice grass (Oryzopsis hymenoides), which has a large, heavy seed, grows on sandy soils throughout the Owyhee uplands. Riverside vegetation is marked by a narrow band of willow (Salix spp.), rushes (Juncus spp.), sedges (Carex spp.) and riparian grasses. In some locations along the rivers edible plants can be found: yellow and red currants (Ribes aureum and cerium), wild rose (Rosa spp.), hackberry (Celtis spp.), and chokecherries (Prunus virginiana).
Camas (Camassia quamash), which were extremely important to Native Americans in nearby regions, only grow along the Cow Creek drainage in the Owyhee uplands (Jean Findley, personal communication). Cow Creek is one of two bottomlands in the Owyhee uplands, the other is Jordan Creek. "Originally, these bottomlands likely produced a dense, vigorous stand of basin wildrye" (Anderson et al. 1998:95). Cow Creek's drainage pattern has been altered by volcanic activities. Jordan Craters now covers the wide valley through which Cow Creek used to run from the mountains of Idaho, westward until it reached the Owyhee River. Cow Creek is now confined in the Cow Lakes before the drainage turns south to join Jordan Creek. Jean Findley (personal communication) believes that because of the low gradient across what is now the Jordan Craters, Cow Creek used to pass through a wetland, rich in camas and basin wildrye.
Paleobotanical research provides a record of the environment in the Great Basin desert. The dominant vegetation reflects the climatic conditions which are favorable for its growth. The following time periods are noted by differences in the dominant vegetation (Smith et al. 1997, 27): Late Wisconsin - subalpine coniferous forest (21,000 - 11,000 BP); Early Holocene - Pinus-Juniperus woodland (11,000 - 8,000 BP); Middle Holocene - Juniperus woodland / Artemisia steppe (8,000 - 4,000 BP); Late Holocene - Artemisia steppe / Atriplex desert scrub (< 4,000 BP). This change from juniper woodland to sagebrush steppe has yet to be confirmed for the Owyhee uplands.
Settlement of the area did not eliminate all species of animals which were present prehistorically. Species which would be valuable to any population are those which could be food sources. Large mammals of the Owyhee uplands today include pronghorn (Antilocapra americana), white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus), mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus), elk (Cervus elaphus), bighorn sheep (Ovis canadensis) and cougar (Felis concolor). Some smaller animals are cottontails (Sylvilagus spp.), jackrabbits (Lepus spp.), badgers (Taxidea taxus), rattlesnakes (Crotalus viridis), gopher snakes (Pituophis catenifer), chipmunks (Eutamis spp.), sagebrush voles (Lagurus curtatus) and coyotes (Canis latrans). Another food source would have been birds like sage grouse (Centrocercus urophasianus), hawks (Buteo spp.), and migratory birds like ducks (Anatidae spp.) and geese (Branta canadensis) (Trimble 1989: 102). These animals are routinely observed in the area. Earlier inhabitants could also have had access to animal species no longer present.
The Owyhee uplands are semiarid and have been so for most of the last millennia. Precipitation is low and water is scarce in most locales. Paleobotanical research reflects an environment which has supported Artemisia steppe / desert scrub communities for the last 8000 years. The dominate vegetation of the area currently is big sage scrub which includes a number of plants which have edible parts. This vegetation supports several types of large and small mammals, particularly the pronghorn. Both the edible parts of plants and the animals could have provided valuable resources to earlier inhabitants of the area.